Italy has blocked us since 1999 because the Euro punished us – Libero Coutidiano

Italy has blocked us since 1999 because the Euro punished us - Libero Coutidiano
Antonio Soki

In the introduction Mario Draghi In Italy, Kovid is said to have inflicted more damage than any other country on the “National Recovery and Reconstruction Program” expected by the Gazette, with an economic outlook (GDP fell 8.9%, while ‘Italy is the most deadly country in the European Union’ in terms of health. Draghi does not point the finger, but these two figures are a clear rejection of the previous government, the Prime Minister notes that the crisis has already affected a country that is weak from an economic, social and environmental point of view. 1999 Between 1999 and 2019 Drag Dragley Italy GDP in Italy increased by 7.9% overall. Germany, France and Spain grew by 30.2 per cent, 32.4 per cent and 43.6 per cent, respectively. Between 2005 and 2019, the number of people living below the poverty line rose from 3.3 percent to 7.7 percent – before rising to 9.4 percent in 2020. In practice, an economic and social catastrophe. What is the reason for this? It is no coincidence that the decades mentioned by Draghi impose precisely the destructive parameters of the euro and Maastricht.

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Maastricht Laws

Italy joined the European Union and the Euros in the 1990s, the carefree prodigy and olivist of those who joined an elite club. Bettino Croxi wondered why the “joy of physical paradise” was reaching the horizon, and it was already clear that it would be “the best, but the worst hell.” Today, Draghi himself realizes that the national economy has collapsed during these twenty years. He is not talking about the euro or the maestro, but we are showing that we were a great industrial power and that it fell on us at night. Some would argue that the other countries mentioned are in the European Union and Euro. But each has a story of its own. The euro offered a devaluation to Germany and imposed a fine on Italy, thus causing a sensation in German exports and a setback for Italian production. Not only that. We also had to submit to the mastrich parameters demanded by Germany, the catastrophic austerity imposed on Italy in Italy in a much tougher and tougher way than other countries: Do you remember all the controversy over the 0.4 per cent increase in deficit / GDP decided by the Lega / M5S government in 2018? This European austerity, which has fined the Italian economy (and health care), does not apply to others. Germany and France certainly did not allow the parameters to be used, and even Spain and Portugal overtook them, leaving Italy with a 3% deficit. Because we are dominated by a “European party” that prefers to “die for Maastricht” rather than fight for Italy’s interests. According to Fabio Dragoni’s estimates «from 2008 to 2017« Italy collected about 32% of total deficit / GDP. Portugal is about 60%. Spain 70%. Is about 80% in Ireland. For Italians, there are hundreds of billions of dollars that could mean much lower taxes, more investment, more employment, and therefore more growth (more health). Draghi himself identifies one of the reasons for the Italian downturn, the “decline in public-private investment”, as Italy’s total investment increased by 66 per cent in the two decades from 1999-2019 to 118 per cent in the EUR region. “Effect halved.” He himself signed the “Letter from the ECB” tricet published to the Berlusconi government, which suggested a hefty cut and a balanced budget, yet there were no public debt issues (as you can see we raised it today).

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Debt problem

I leave out the old historical question of how the great Italian public debt was formed, as it has always been repeated, that wasteful Italians do not have to pay, but the preparation of a single currency relates to strategic choices (such as the letter to the 24th anniversary of the twentieth anniversary of Nietzsche as the only truth after 26 Treasury / Bankitalia). Recognized. Even Draghi, the then Governor of Bankitalia, remembered the 2011 Treasury / Bankitalia “Divorce”. Opponents of the 1981 decision “feared that real interest rates would rise” and stirred up “concerns about the country’s industrialization”. This is exactly what happened. Draghi observed that “the results of that decision in budget policy were not as expected” and acknowledged that “the ratio of public debt to GDP, which was 56.8% in 1980, exceeded 120% of output.” 1994 “. Today those policies are changing (until they are repealed), and it is right to acknowledge the merits of Eurocritics.

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